We had presumed
that the assassination of Osama Bin Laden by US Special Forces on May 2, 2011
in Bilal Town, Abbottabad, Pakistan would cripple the foremost terrorist group,
Al Qaeda, to a great degree. Indeed it did, but not global terrorism as a
whole. The truth bares that terrorism has escalated even more given the
emergence of a strong, well-oiled army of terrorists named, Islamic State of
Iraq and Syria (ISIS), which is now wreaking havoc in the Middle East. This
group, per CIA estimate, now numbers around 31,000 or so strong and determined
bodies of jihadists recruited from all over the world, including the United
States, England and other European countries and Asia, which includes the
Philippines. Driven by their Islamic faith and their deep-seated hatred to Israel
and America, their aim is to impose Islamic fundamentalism in the Middle East—and
the world eventually—and eliminate all remnants of westernization in that area
at a price and in a method totally unacceptable to the modern world.
Today's realities are now haunting America
with a question of whether she was right in toppling Saddam Hussein and
Muammar Gaddafi from their thrones as iron-fisted rulers of Iraq and Libya
without correctly projecting its impact on terrorism-balancing forces, and
addressing the consequence thereafter. What is happening in Libya and Iraq—and eventually
Syria—is exactly what happened to Iran, when Mohammad Reza Phalavi, the then
Shah and monarchical ruler of that country was toppled from power by
fundamentalist Islamists, under the passive nose of America, as believed. What
happened next was a score of vengeful atrocities against this nation's
westernized and non-fundamentalist citizens orchestrated by his mad cleric
successor, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, resulting thus to what erratic Iran is
now today.
Without the world's intervention—under America's
lead—Iraq, Syria and Libya will surely fall into the hands of the extremists
which will therefore result to more problems, more than what Iran is creating
now for the world to bear. After Iraq, Syria and Libya, Kuwait, Jordan, Egypt
and the rest of the Middle East countries will fall into their hands too,
including Saudi Arabia, who has long been suspected of having engaged in an
appeasement contract with the terrorists by financing their movement. This was
made clear when eight months after 9/11, amid the global inquiries about
Saudi Arabia's role in the attack, Sheik Saad al-Buraik, a Wahhabi cleric
employed by the Saudi government went audaciously on state-run Saudi
television, which was then conducting a telethon that had raised $109 million
to pay the families of the Islamic suicide bombers, to denounce the United
States as "the root of all wickedness on earth" and called as well on
the Palestinians to wage more atrocity on Israel.
It is basic that a movement, such as ISIS—which,
unlike Al Qaeda, now openly possesses a strong fighting army of its own—cannot move
without substantial budget. And Saudi Arabia, which Osama Bin Laden and
Sheik Saad al-Bakir are citizens of, logically, is the financing leader. The
United States has known this all along, and they even sat down with the Saudis
to demonstrate how 20% of charities given to Islamic organizations in Saudi
Arabia lands in the hands of the terrorists.
The United States cannot question the Saudis openly
for their role in the Islamists' destructive advocacy because Saudi Arabia
is still regarded by America as their MVP (most valuable partner) in the
Arab world.
The policy of appeasement is what Neville
Chamberlain, the British Prime Minister in the late 1930's, adopted to confront
Hitler's threat to the whole of Euorope—which proved to be a mistake. Hitler
was not appeased. After annexing Sudenteland, a territory of Czechoslovakia,
which was the prize of the appeasement for him in their Munich Agreement of
September 30, 1938, Hitler went ahead nonetheless to occupy the whole of
Czechoslovakia. And it's now history what the dictator did to humanity after
his betrayal of the Munich pact.
In Hitler's wake, contemporary historians have now
defined that appeasement is "the granting from fear or cowardice of
unwarranted concessions in order to buy temporary peace at someone else's
expense." And this is where Saudi Arabia seems to fit, and Uncle Sam too,
in the context of America's relationship with the Saudis, who had provided them
a land base to attack Iraq and dislodge its ruthless dictator from power, whose
fearsome rule in his country was loathed by the world but whose ultimate demise
was cheered on by ambitious extremists ever anxious to take over the land to
base their evil aim to destroy, rather than reconcile with, humanity.
As today's realities now offer, there is a
considerable debate among academics and politicians whether or not the world,
especially the United States, would, in retrospect, have adopted Chamberlain's
policy towards Saddam Hussein and Gaddafi—to preempt the emergence of a
stronger organization of terrorists, which now owns a strong, fanatical
army, and potentially to own land bases too that could enjoy international
recognition as not mere belligerent but independent states.
While President Obama has vowed "to degrade
and eventually destroy ISIS," the United States is squarely in a bind in
the matter of Saudi Arabia along with its global commitments on the issues
against China and Russia. There are contrasting schools of thought governing
now the world's political landscape which seem to have put the United States in
a no-win situation. One is whether America should focus more its resources to
destroying the ISIS and the rest of the terrorists' cells now operating
worldwide or prioritize its original strategy of containing China's
economic-military growth in the Pacific and Russia's bullying tendencies in
Europe.
Obama's plan to commit 60% of America's foreign
expenditure budget with NATO, obviously to contain Russia, seems now in
jeopardy of not materializing in view of ISIS. What deeply perturbs the West is
ISIS's ability to recruit its jihadists from all over the world as their
jihadist terrorism-trained citizens would surely pose a great threat to their
internal security upon their return. For the terrorists are merciless Islamic
fanatics, killing mostly the innocent, as what they did to the 270 unsuspecting
passengers of Pan Am Flight 103, which they blew out of the skies over
Lockerbie Scotland in December, 1988, and to the more than 3,000 lives they had
mercilessly ended without moral compunction in their 9/11 attacks in the United
States thirteen years past.
While America's intervention in global problems is
mainly couched on her interest, the ISIS problem is one thing she cannot set
aside now without having to face more catastrophic terrorism occurrences
henceforth. Yet, America could not do it all at the same time; but she must
prioritize one over the other. Unfortunately, the Islamist terrors and her
problems about China and Russia are of parallel concerns facing today's world,
which definitely have put the US now in a bind.
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